Former IDF Chief of Staff Gadi Eisenkot exposes far-right influence on Netanyahu's wartime operations
A week after the centrist National Unity Party withdrew from the government, its MP Gadi Eisenkot acknowledged in an interview what we all suspected all along: Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu's actions in Israel's war with Hamas have been heavily influenced by Itamar Ben Gvir and his far-right party.
Eisenkot said multiple times in the interview that the Netanyahu he served under as IDF chief of staff is different from the Netanyahu he serves today, and Ben Gvir's influence appears to have had a lot to do with this change.
Ben Gvir's behavior since October 7th has been deplorable. He opposed the first hostage release agreement in November which resulted in the release of over 100 hostages, and he has threatened to overthrow the government if any further agreement is reached.
Ben-Gvir, along with his ally Bezalel Smotrich, has shown little sympathy for the hostages' families. He delivers populist messages about the war in Gaza and the need to confront Hezbollah in a way that undermines the professionals tasked with conducting it. Let us not forget that the army did not allow Ben-Gvir to enlist because of his activities as youth coordinator for the militant group Kachi.
Ben-Gvir and Smotrich have often advocated policies towards Palestinians in Judea and Samaria that go against the advice of security services. For example, it was only at the last minute that Netanyahu was able to reverse Ben-Gvir's decision to ban Arabs from attending Ramadan prayers at Al-Aqsa Mosque.
Smotrich and Ben Gvir's irresponsible statements about the Gaza war have provided ample ammunition for those seeking to accuse Israel of genocide and war crimes.
They have shown disdain and contempt for Israel's main ally, the United States, and in so doing, they appeal to voters while ignoring the reality that Israel needs American support.
It is unacceptable for them to defend the hooliganism perpetrated by a small number of settlers against Palestinians in the West Bank.
Ben Gvir has also promoted the outrageous proposal that Israel should rebuild settlements in the Gaza Strip, which would mean Israel would have to resume military occupation of the Strip.
Perhaps his most disingenuous act has been his support for government efforts to maintain mass exemptions for ultra-Orthodox Israelis from military service. After all, it is his supporters, devout but non-Orthodox Jews, who are bearing most of the casualties and military burden in the current conflict.
Now that Netanyahu has acknowledged that his immediate future depends on a small coalition government, Ben-Gvir's influence over future key decisions regarding the hostages, Hamas and Hezbollah is clear, putting the country in a predicament.
Many believe Netanyahu's primary concern is survival at all costs, even if it means sacrificing the needs of the country to achieve that goal. His opponents are fixated on the idea of removing him from power, which contributes to Netanyahu's siege mentality.
It has been frightening to watch over the past eight months as the war rages and the country's politics continue to be determined by pro- and anti-Netanyahu factions. Now, more than ever, the country needs responsible leadership.
At the beginning of the war, I thought a unity government of all the major parties would have been desirable. I lamented the fact that Yair Lapid and Avigdor Lieberman could not join Benny Gantz's coalition and war cabinet because of their temporary inability to reconcile with Netanyahu. Their inclusion might have provided Netanyahu with the additional support he needed to neutralize Ben Gvir and his allies. In the case of Lieberman's Yisrael Beitenu and Gideon Sa'ar's New Hope, Netanyahu also missed out on potential allies from the right.
Politicians like Lapid and Lieberman have worked in government before and have the knowledge and experience to act responsibly. This is in stark contrast to the string of outrageous statements made by Ben Gvir and Smotrich during the war, which makes their actions all the more reprehensible because they served as ministers in a wartime government.
Most of the country may want elections to be held now, but Netanyahu would likely maintain his slim majority if he supports Ben Gvir.
Israel is in a precarious situation and lacks clear goals. On the one hand, it seeks the return of its hostages at any cost. On the other hand, it aims to dismantle Hamas and negotiate with Hezbollah so that displaced people in the north can return. There is no clear vision for how Gaza will be governed in the future. Peace with Saudi Arabia remains attractive, and regional alliances are also on the table. On the other hand, Israel's international standing continues to decline, as it faces charges of war crimes and genocide and calls for the arrest of its prime minister and defense minister.
In these circumstances, the last thing the country needs is to allow Ben Gvir to interfere in its affairs.
The latest ceasefire proposal, which the US says came from Israel, may have the backing of a majority in the country if Hamas leader Yahya Sinwar accedes to its terms. Ultimately, Prime Minister Bibi Netanyahu may have to decide between the country's interests and his own survival.
