Russia did everything it could to make the Ukrainian peace conference in Switzerland meaningless and sabotage it. It spent all the little bit of international credibility it had left to make the conference at the Bürgenstock resort fail. It shows how much Russia cares about this that just a few days before the Swiss conference, President Vladimir Putin himself made a desperate attempt to present a so-called “peace plan”, which in reality was a list of Moscow's targets for conquest.
Russia managed to convince China not to send a representative to Switzerland, a success given that Beijing had already participated in a similar format in Saudi Arabia last August, but Moscow will be paying a high price to Beijing for this concession for a long time to come.
Join us on Telegram
Follow our war coverage at @Kyivpost_official.
Russian diplomacy's attempts to disrupt the Swiss conference did not ignore Serbia: Moscow undoubtedly expected that Belgrade would not attend the peace conference, and even in their darkest hunch, they did not expect Serbia to sign the final document.
Paradoxically, European anti-Russian hardliners had very similar expectations of Serbia, a relatively small but influential group of so-called “Balkans experts,” analysts and researchers who have built their careers (and money) for decades by repeating stereotypes about Serbia’s boundless loyalty to Russia.
Other topics of interest
Serbia to buy 12 Rafale fighter jets from France to 'accelerate diversification': FT
The purchase marks a major shift in relations between Belgrade and Moscow, which has long relied on Moscow for arms supplies due to cultural and political ties between the two countries.
It will be difficult for both countries to accept the fact that Serbia took part in the conference at the level of foreign minister, and even harder to “comprehend” the fact that Serbia was one of 80 of the roughly 100 participants that signed the Final Declaration, which clearly states that a territorially intact Ukraine is a prerequisite for any peace agreement with Russia.
It will be extremely difficult for Moscow to accept Serbia's support for Ukraine at a conference that the West and Kiev have denounced as a meaningless spectacle, but Serbia's Western critics will find it equally difficult, as Serbia's decision contradicts long-held stereotypes and they have long lacked hard evidence for it.
The Washington Post correctly assesses that some countries may not have signed the final document because they were reluctant to “not anger Russia.” But that was not the case with Serbia. Serbia had no hesitation in participating in the conference or supporting the final document, along with Ukraine, the United States, the EU and NATO member states, and 80 other countries that strongly support Ukraine's sovereignty and right to self-defense against armed aggression.
Anyone who has followed Serbia’s actions towards Ukraine at all since the Russian aggression began can easily see that the state’s determination to condemn the aggression, demand Russia’s withdrawal, and defend Ukraine’s sovereignty and territorial integrity (including Crimea) remains steadfast.
Since February 24, 2022, Serbia, as part of the overwhelming majority of UN member states, has supported such policies in four UN General Assembly resolutions and in many forums and decisions, including voting to expel Russia from the UN Human Rights Council in April 2022. Serbia, together with nine other South-Eastern European countries, issued a statement last February, stating that aggression against Ukraine is a flagrant violation of international law and the greatest threat to European security. Serbia's support, expressed through its participation in the peace conference in Switzerland and the adoption of the Final Declaration, is only the latest in a series of decisions that unequivocally demonstrate that Serbia stands by Ukraine and its people on the international stage as an ally and sincere friend.
But this support goes beyond Serbia's involvement in the joint efforts of the democratic world to thwart Russia's military operations against Ukraine. From the first days of the war, Serbia has provided direct and bilateral assistance, hosted thousands of Ukrainian refugees, and sent humanitarian aid, including electrical equipment, while Ukraine's energy system was destroyed. Last March, direct financial support from Belgrade to Kiev totaled $32.4 million, which was incomprehensible not only to arrogant Moscow, but also to Serbia's fiercest critics in the West, who continue to insist on Russian-Serbian equality for no reason whatsoever.
Not to mention the Pentagon reports that Serbia is a respectable producer, supplying badly needed shells to Ukraine, albeit through third-party intermediaries.
And to complete the puzzle, the first ladies of Ukraine and Serbia, Olena Zelenska and Tamara Vucic, were in Belgrade recently for several days of talks and humanitarian work, as a follow-up to their meeting in Kiev last September. The first ladies, seemingly in the shadows of their husbands, have remained in close contact since the Russian aggression began. Their work has led to many humanitarian efforts, including the delivery of ambulances to hospitals in Kharkiv and Cherkasy.
But this will not please everyone in Moscow, and unfortunately, some in Europe either. The former will remain trapped in the myth of historical brotherhood, which in Russia's interpretation means Serbian colonial domination. The latter will not want to admit their mistake in having looked at Serbia through a Moscow-imposed lens for so many years. But this does not necessarily mean negative consequences. Serbia and Ukraine know very well that they built relations according to their own standards, as strong partners in difficult times.
The views expressed in this opinion piece are those of the author and not necessarily those of The Kyiv Post.
