Even among modern-day Democrats, there are members with a highly dominant style. Kentucky Governor Andy Beshear defends transgender and abortion rights; declared The state observed Pride Month in June and scolded people for not getting vaccinated during the pandemic. When a Republican lawmaker held up a photo of Beshear and a drag queen at a gay rights rally and accused Beshear of corrupting children, the governor said the attendees were “more Kentuckians than anyone else.” I objected.
The Republican tucked his tail between his legs and whimpered. “My problem is not with the gay movement. Beshear won reelection by 5 points in a state that Trump led by 26 points in 2020.
Mr. Biden's Republican-led 2024 State of the Union address and the harsh language he uses to describe Mr. Trump in private pleased Democrats and earned rare praise from Republican strategists. But these are just flashes of superiority, and flashes alone are not enough.
As Trump's loss to Biden in 2020 showed, superiority does not guarantee victory. Moreover, Trump may pay a price for his extreme style of control, alienating some voters and angering impatient judges in seemingly endless court cases. do not have.
Still, Mr. Trump's commanding style remains the most formidable tool in his arsenal. If Trump's party can compete in the areas it does best, it will be in a position to win national elections.
Biden counters the perception that he has been weakened by age by drawing on his more dominant predecessors, strong leaders who rallied their powers to advance freedom, equality and progress. You could even do that.
M. Stephen Fish, a political scientist at the University of Berkeley, is the author of “The Comeback: Routing Trumpism, Taking Back Our Nation, and Restoring the Primacy of Democracy.”
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