Anyone who follows the bickering and arguments within Israel's cabinet can clearly see the stunts each party is willing to go to to achieve their goals. The main scene confirms that Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu is doing everything in his power to maintain his mini-government, despite not having achieved much in the fight against Hamas.
He is under immense pressure from extremists, represented by Finance Minister Bezalel Smotrich, leader of the “Religious Zionist” party, and National Security Minister Itamar Ben Gvir, leader of the “Otzma Yehudit” party, who have vowed to topple the government if it accepts the hostage release agreement and ceasefire proposed by US President Joe Biden.
In fact, the proposal was initially initiated by Prime Minister Netanyahu in an effort to resolve a tense situation, but he wanted President Biden to propose it in order to avoid embarrassment in front of extremists within his government who are demanding the eradication of Hamas from Gaza regardless of the release of the Israeli hostages.
This is exactly what Smotrich and Ben Gvir failed to see in the proposals. In contrast to the far-right reaction, Benny Gantz, leader of the National Unity Party and Minister of War Cabinet, called for a War Cabinet meeting to be held as soon as possible “to draw up a way forward for implementing the proposals, given that the war cannot last forever.”
Netanyahu's recent actions show his intention to manipulate both far-right leaders by deliberately concealing key details of the proposal. This tactic became clear when Ben Gvir expressed his dissatisfaction at a press conference and said he would not stay in a government that supports Hamas.
He further said he could not offer an opinion on the proposal because the prime minister had deliberately omitted important information, especially regarding the resolution of the Gaza conflict and the future of Hamas.
This strategic move by Netanyahu serves to strengthen his government and mitigate the influence of extremists within his cabinet. His actions suggest an effort to appease Ben Gvir and Smotrich by allowing them to veto the proposal during the vote without endangering the stability of the fragile coalition.
Netanyahu's biggest fear is that his conservative alliance in government currently holds 14 parliamentary seats in the 2022 elections. These right-wing alliances play a key role in maintaining the ruling majority in the 64-member Basic Coalition. A departure from this coalition would not only deal a major blow to the government, but also pave the way for Netanyahu's political and criminal trial.
The deception by Israeli politicians continues. Recently, opposition leader Yair Lapid reiterated his determination to provide a political safety net for Netanyahu's government and ensure that it does not collapse as a result of US proposals.
But Lapid's party, Yesh Atid, has not offered to back the coalition on other issues, and no one seems to be listening to his stress on the urgency of reaching an agreement to prevent further harm to Gaza hostages.
Lapid criticized Ben Gvir and Smotrich's threats to quit the government as a betrayal of Israel's national security, the hostages, and the people of the north and south. Lapid went on to describe the current government as the worst and most reckless in Israel's history, accusing it of dereliction of responsibility, lack of effective management, and total failure.
Lapid believes Netanyahu's fall would not help him win early elections, but would instead empower extremists in future elections, suggesting it would be better for Netanyahu to remain in the political arena rather than become an easy target for the far-right.
The Shas party, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu's largest coalition partner with 11 seats in the Knesset, said it fully supports a possible agreement to release hostages held by Hamas, even if it means taking extreme measures in the Gaza war, a move that comes as a major blow to Netanyahu's partners Ben Gvir and Smotrich.
Benny Gantz's party, which joined the coalition government shortly after the Oct. 7 Hamas attack, shares a similar view and has warned that it will pull out if Netanyahu does not make a major strategic decision on the conflict by June 8. While the departure of Gantz's party, which has just eight seats in parliament, would not immediately topple Netanyahu's government, the absence of the two far-right parties could pose a challenge in the longer term.
Netanyahu faces the possibility of his government collapsing at any time if he faces criminal charges in the ongoing corruption case or a backlash following the Oct. 7 attacks, but the complex political machinations of Israeli politicians will ultimately determine whether he can stay in power.
Dr. Hatem Sadek is a professor at Helwan University.
