Last month, congressional leaders from both parties gave Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu the rare honor of inviting him to a joint session of Congress. With the speech, scheduled for July 24, Congress is giving Netanyahu a platform to weigh in on U.S. politics, as he has done in the past. And the consequences could be significant, as Democrats who are now considering whether to boycott the speech clearly understand. If Netanyahu uses the speech to undermine the Biden administration's diplomatic efforts and attack Democratic critics, it could further politicize U.S.-Israeli relations, potentially damaging them in the long run.
On Capitol Hill, many Democrats are unhappy that Senate Majority Leader Charles E. Schumer (Dynamo, N.Y.) agreed to a proposal by House Speaker Mike Johnson (R-Louisiana) to surpass Winston Churchill's record with his fourth joint session address praising Prime Minister Netanyahu. After all, it was Schumer himself who delivered the speech in March calling for new elections in Israel and describing Prime Minister Netanyahu as “an obstacle to peace.” Several Democrats told me that Schumer was in a political bind, not wanting to be seen as anti-Israel by refusing in an election year. In a statement, Schumer said he agreed because “the relationship between the United States and Israel is ironclad and goes beyond personalities.”
Several Democratic officials told me they haven't decided whether to attend because they expect Netanyahu to use the speech to attack the Biden administration and the Democratic Party. In 2015, Netanyahu used the joint conference speech to lobby against the Iran nuclear deal, then the Obama administration's flagship foreign policy move. Fifty-eight Democrats were absent from that speech; that number could be even higher this time.
Netanyahu's 2015 speech to Congress was a mistake for him and for Israel, Sen. Chris Murphy (D-Conn.), who is leaning toward attending, told me. Netanyahu's mission to block the Iran deal had failed, and the controversy over it deepened a rift between the American political establishment and Israel for years afterward.
“I hoped he'd learned his lesson, but I don't believe he has what's best for the U.S.-Israeli relationship in mind,” Murphy said, adding that Netanyahu's motivation is to remain in power. “I'm deeply concerned about what he'll say and how it will only exacerbate Israel's problems in the U.S. and around the world.”
The Democrats are in a tough spot: if they boycott Netanyahu's speech they will be attacked by those on the right as anti-Israel, and if they attend they will be criticized by the progressive left as a tool to attack their own party.
Sen. Chris Coons (D-Delaware) told me he met with Israeli Ambassador Michael Herzog on Tuesday to convey his concerns about the speech. Coons said he wouldn't commit to attending until he was sure Netanyahu wasn't going to use the speech for partisan and divisive activism.
“If this is similar to the 2015 speech, it will be unwelcome and unconstructive,” Coons said. “I would be interested if the prime minister is here to announce a concrete plan for humanitarian assistance, Palestinian autonomy or a path forward for the region.”
Netanyahu could, as some Israeli commentators have suggested, use his speech to thank the American people for their support, endorse the Biden administration's approach, and lay out his own vision for the future of Israeli-Palestinian relations. But so far there are no indications that he is prepared to do so. During Secretary of State Antony Blinken's visit to the region this week, Netanyahu did not even acknowledge Blinken's assertion that Israel is in support of the ceasefire plan that President Biden formally announced three weeks ago and that the UN Security Council approved 14-0.
Of course, Hamas has not accepted the ceasefire proposal either, and responded this week by demanding changes. And even if Netanyahu resists Biden's proposal, it doesn't change the fact that Hamas is responsible for starting the war, kidnapping the hostages, and continuing to attack Israel. We can all agree that Israel has the right to defend its own country. And as a basic principle, the Israeli prime minister should be welcome to speak in parliament.
But by inviting Netanyahu at this time, Republicans are not only helping him undermine the Biden administration's foreign policy strategy but also throwing him a political lifeline, said Sen. Chris Van Hollen (D-Md.), who also hasn't decided whether to attend.
“Everything makes it clear that Prime Minister Netanyahu is solely focused on his own political survival at the expense of Israel's interests and the U.S.-Israel relationship,” Van Hollen told me. “We should not be complicit in his agenda.”
Hopefully, the two parties will reach a ceasefire agreement before Netanyahu's speech, which has been postponed from June 13 for the Jewish holiday of Shavuot. That would make a big difference. But if the situation then is similar to what it is now, the Republicans will give Netanyahu a cover to resist pressure from the Biden team. That's probably what they're aiming for.
Still, lawmakers should ask themselves whether the short-term political gains of this tactic are worth the potential long-term damage. What's different from 2015 is that Israel's standing with the American public at large is in question more than ever before. The goal of both parties should be to maintain bipartisan support for a strong U.S.-Israel relationship for future generations. Prime Minister Netanyahu's speech could be a step back from that goal.
